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Extra resources for Big Science Transformed : Science, Politics and Organization in Europe and the United States
Organizations also, to some degree, follow routines that may seem to run counter to their purpose(s) and that only partially cohere with formal or declared practices, but that are explicitly or implicitly believed to render them social legitimacy and prestige (Meyer and Rowan 1977; DiMaggio and Powell 1983). This goes for the organizations of Big Science as well as for the organizations that embed and enable Big Science: governmental agencies, universities, research institutes, scientific societies, and trade unions, for example.
5). This is a key postulation for the analysis in this book: Transformed Big Science laboratories are characterized by an increased fickleness that has to do with a broader and more complex interface with the institutions of science, politics, society, and the economy (Chap. 6). The fickleness, in turn, has evolved both because of an endogenous capacity or potential to satisfy an increasing set of demands from an increasing number of actors (Chaps. 2 and 3), and the increased pressure of these demands as such, which have all become deeply intertwined with policy, the priority-setting, and the creation and implementation of standards of quality, relevance, and accountability.
G. Meyer and Scott 1983). These “institutional logics” that consist of norms and value systems that govern individual and organizational behavior differ, importantly, between institutions and can be distinguished as part of an analysis of the interplay of various interests and actions in negotiations over prioritysetting (Thornton and Ocasio 1999; Thornton et al. 2012). 1 Introduction and Framework 31 Institutions matter, and therefore the institutional perspective on organizations and governance is necessary.