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For the pupil, cleaning up signifies subservience— a role to which the pupil is particularly sensitive. For the teacher, the refusal is interpreted as straightforward defiance of authority. Both confront one another with more at stake than whether or not some desks are cleared. The teacher’s request is taken as an attempt to force demeaning work upon a pupil who is already alert to the merest nuances of implied degradation. The pupil’s refusal is taken as a danger-ous sign of rebellion, awakening fears that are related to stereotypes which the teacher has properly but perhaps incompletely suppressed.
Football violence, often taken as a barometer of social disorder, was at least as common in the past as it is today. Eighteenth-century football was described as ‘a friendlie kind of fight’ in which, with no enclosed pitch, the ball would be kicked about the streets by a rough crowd. The rural tradition of Shrovetide Football, which might involve the population of two rival villages doing battle over an area of a few miles, lasted until the middle of the nineteenth century in some parts of the country.
Figures from the DfE show that, nationally, 8 per cent of permanently excluded pupils are black, although black pupils make up only 2 per cent of the population. Since 3,000 pupils were permanently excluded in 1993, the DfE figures mean that 240 black pupils were permanently excluded; if black pupils had been excluded in proportion to their numbers in the population, then only 60 would have been excluded. This means that 180 black pupils were excluded unjustifiably—no more than one or two pupils per LEA.